1
sn (1:1) The third year of the reign of Jehoiakim would be ca. 605 B.C. At this time Daniel would have been a teenager. The reference to Jehoikim's third year poses a serious crux interpretum, since elsewhere these events are linked to his fourth year (Jer 25:1; cf. 2 Kgs 24:1; 2 Chr 36:5-8). Apparently Daniel is following an accession year chronology, whereby the first partial year of a king's reign was reckoned as the accession year rather than as the first year of his reign. Jeremiah, on the other hand, is following a non-accession year chronology, whereby the accession year is reckoned as the first year of the king's reign. In that case, the conflict is only superficial. Most modern scholars, however, have concluded that Daniel is historically inaccurate here.
2sn (1:1) King Nebuchadnezzar ruled Babylon from ca. 605-562 B.C.
3sn (1:1) This attack culminated in the first of three major deportations of Jews to Babylon. The second one occurred in 597 B.C. and included among many other Jewish captives the prophet Ezekiel. The third deportation occurred in 586 B.C., at which time the temple and the city of Jerusalem were thoroughly destroyed.
4tn (1:2) The Hebrew term translated "Lord" here is yn´d{a& (a&d{n´y).
5tn (1:2) Heb "gave."
6tn (1:2) Heb "his hand."
7tn (1:2) Or "utensils"; or "articles."
8tn (1:2) Heb "house."
9sn (1:2) The land of Babylonia (Heb "the land of Shinar") is another name for Sumer and Akkad, where Babylon was located (cf. Gen 10:10; 11:2; 14:1, 9; Josh 7:21; Isa 11:11; Zech 5:11).
10tn (1:2) Or "god" (also later in this verse).
11tn (1:2) Heb "brought."
12tn (1:3) Or "gave orders to."
13sn (1:3) It is possible that the word Ashpenaz is not a proper name at all, but a general term for "inn-keeper." See J. J. Collins, Daniel, 127, n. 9. However, the ancient versions understand the term to be a name.
14sn (1:3) The word court official (Hebrew saris) need not mean "eunuch" specifically, although in the case of the Book of Daniel there was in Jewish literature a common tradition to that effect.
15tn (1:4) Heb "stand in the palace of the king." Cf. vv. 5, 19.
16sn (1:4) The language of the Chaldeans referred to here is Akkadian, an East Semitic cuneiform language.
17sn (1:4) That is, the Babylonians.
18tn (1:6) Heb "among them"; the referent (the young men taken captive from Judah) has been specified in the translation for clarity.
19sn (1:6) The names reflect a Jewish heritage. In Hebrew Daniel means "God is my judge"; Hananiah means "the Lord is gracious"; Mishael means "who is what God is?"; Azariah means "the Lord has helped."
20tc (1:7) The LXX and Vg lack the verb.
21sn (1:7) The meanings of the Babylonian names are more conjectural than is the case with the Hebrew names. The probable etymologies are as follows: Belteshazzar means "protect his life," although the MT vocalization may suggest "Belti, protect the king" (cf. Dan 4:8); Shadrach perhaps means "command of Aku"; Meshach is of uncertain meaning; Abednego means "servant of Nego." The purpose of assigning pagan names to the Hebrew youths may have to do with an attempt to erase from their memory their Israelite heritage.
22tn (1:8) Heb "placed in his heart."
23sn (1:8) Various reasons have been suggested as to why such food would defile Daniel. Perhaps it had to do with violations of Mosaic law with regard to unclean foods, or perhaps it had to do with such food having been offered to idols.
24tn (1:9) Heb "loyal love and compassions." The expression is a hendiadys.
25tn (1:10) Heb "The one in charge of the court officials."
26tn (1:10) Heb "my head." Presumably this is an implicit reference to capital punishment, although this is not entirely clear.
27tn (1:12) Heb "your servants." Cf. v. 13.
28tn (1:14) Heb "he"; the referent (the warden mentioned in v. 11) has been specified in the translation for clarity.
29tn (1:18) Heb "to bring them."
30tc (1:20) The MT lacks the conjunction, reading the first word in the phrase as a construct ("wisdom of insight"). While this reading is not impossible, it seems better to follow Theodotion, the Syriac, the Vg, and the Sahidic Coptic, all of which have the conjunction.
31tn (1:20) Heb "hands."
32sn (1:21) Cyrus' first year in control of Babylon would be 539 B.C. Daniel actually lived beyond the first year of Cyrus, as is clear from 10:1. The purpose of the statement in 1:21 is merely to say that Daniel's life spanned the entire period of the neo-Babylonian empire. His life span also included the early years of the Persian control of Babylon. However, by that time his age was so advanced that he probably died sometime in the 530's B.C.
1tn (2:1) Heb "Nebuchadnezzar's."
2tn (2:1) Heb "dreamed dreams."
3tn (2:1) Heb "his spirit."
4tn (2:1) Heb "his sleep left (?) him." The use of the verb hyh here is unusual. Cf. Dan 8:27. Some scholars emend the verb to read nadedah ("fled"); cf. Dan 6:19.
5tn (2:2) Heb "said." So also in v. 12.
6sn (2:2) The term Chaldeans (Hebrew kasdim) is used in the Book of Daniel both in an ethnic sense and, as here, to refer to a caste of Babylonian wise men and astrologers.
7tn (2:2) Heb "to explain to the king his dreams."
8tn (2:2) Heb "stood before the king."
9tn (2:3) Heb "I have dreamed a dream."
10tn (2:3) Heb "my spirit."
11sn (2:4) Contrary to common belief, the point here is not that the Chaldeans replied to the king in the Aramaic language. It was this view that led in the past to Aramaic being referred to as "Chaldee." Rather, this phrase is better understood as an editorial note marking the fact that from 2:4b through 7:28 the language of the book shifts from Hebrew to Aramaic. In 8:1, and for the remainder of the book, the language returns to Hebrew. Various views have been advanced to account for this change of language, most of which are unconvincing. Most likely the change in language is a reflection of stages in the transmission history of the Book of Daniel.
12tn (2:4) Aram "your servants." Cf. v. 7.
13tn (2:5) Aram "answered and said," a common semitism.
14sn (2:5) The translation "the matter is gone from me," suggesting that the king had simply forgotten the dream, is incorrect. It seems clear from what follows that Nebuchadnezzar clearly recalls the content of the dream, although obviously he does not know what to make of it. By not divulging the dream itself to the would-be interpreters, he intends to find out whether they are simply leading him on. If they can tell him the dream's content, which he is able to verify, he then can have confidence in their interpretation.
15tn (2:9) Aram "one is your law," i.e., only one thing is applicable to you.
16tn (2:9) Aram "I will know."
17tn (2:11) Aram "flesh."
18tn (2:12) Aram "was angry and very furious." The expression is a hendiadys.
19tn (2:13) The Hebrew participle is used here to express the imminent future.
20tn (2:13) The impersonal active plural of the Aramaic verb often, as here, functions like an English passive.
21tn (2:14) Aram "prudence and counsel." The expression is a hendiadys.
22tn (2:15) Aram "of Arioch the king's deputy." The proper name is redundant here in English and has not been included in the translation.
23tn (2:15) Aram., mehahsepah. The word may refer to the severity of the king's decree (i.e., "harsh"), although it would seem that in a delicate situation such as this Daniel would avoid this kind of criticism of the king's actions. The translation above understands the word to refer to the immediacy, not harshness, of the decree.
24tc (2:16) Theodotion and the Syriac lack the words "went in and."
25tn (2:18) Aram "Daniel." The proper name is redundant here in English, and has not been included in the translation.
26sn (2:19) As is often the case in the Bible, here the name represents the person.
27tn (2:23) Aram "we." Various explanations have been offered for the plural, but it is probably the editorial plural. So also with "me" later in this verse.
28tc (2:24) The MT has ´al ´al ("he entered upon"). Several medieval Hebrew MSS lack the verb, although this may be due to haplography.
29tc (2:24) The LXX and Vg, along with one medieval Hebrew MS, lack this verb.
30tn (2:24) Aram "the king."
31sn (2:25) Arioch's claim is self-serving and exaggerated. It is Daniel who came to him, and not the other way around.
32tn (2:28) Aram "days."
33tn (2:30) Aram "not for any wisdom which is in me more than [in] any living man."
34tn (2:30) Aram "heart."
35tn (2:31) Aram "an image."
36sn (2:33) Clay refers to baked clay, which though hard was also fragile. Cf. the reference in v. 41 to tin', "wet clay."
37tc (2:34) The LXX, Theodotion, and the Vg have "from a mountain," though this is probably a harmonization with v. 45.
38tn (2:36) Various suggestions have been made concerning the plural "we." It is probably the editorial plural and could be translated here as "I."
39tn (2:38) Aram "the sons of man."
40tn (2:38) Aram "the beasts of the field."
41tn (2:38) Aram "hand."
42sn (2:39) The identity of the first kingdom is clearly Babylon. The identification of the following three kingdoms is disputed. The common view is that they represent Media, Persia, and Greece. Most conservative scholars identify them as Media-Persia, Greece, and Rome.
43tc (2:40) Theodotion and the Vg lack the phrase "and as iron breaks in pieces."
44tn (2:40) The words "the others" are supplied from the context.
45tc (2:41) The LXX lacks "and toes."
46tn (2:41) Aram "potter's clay."
47tn (2:41) Aram "clay of clay" (also in v. 43).
48tc (2:43) The present translation reads the conjunction, with most medieval Hebrew MSS, LXX, Vg, and the Qere. The Kethib lacks the conjunction.
49sn (2:43) The reference to people being mixed is usually understood to refer to intermarriage.
50tn (2:43) Aram "with the seed of men."
51tc (2:43) The present translation reads hek di rather than the MT he' kedi. It is a case of wrong word division.
52tn (2:45) Aram "after this."
53tn (2:46) Aram "fell on his face."
54tn (2:49) Aram "was at the gate of the king."
1sn (3:1) The Greek OT (LXX) introduces this chapter with the following chronological note: "in the eighteenth year of." Such a date would place these events at about the time of the destruction of Jerusalem in 586 B.C. (cf. 2 Kgs 25:8). However, there seems to be no real basis for associating the events of Daniel 3 with this date.
2sn (3:1) There is, of course, no need to think of Nebuchadnezzar's image as being solid gold. No doubt the sense is that it was overlaid with gold (cf. Isa 40:19; Jer 10:3-4), with the result that it presented a dazzling self-compliment to the greatness of Nebuchadnezzar's achievements.
3sn (3:1) According to a number of patristic authors, the image represented a deification of Nebuchadnezzar himself. This is not clear from the biblical text, however.
4tn (3:1) Aram "sixty cubits." Assuming a length of 18 inches for the standard cubit, the image would be 90 feet (27.4 m) high.
5tn (3:1) Aram "six cubits." Assuming a length of 18 inches for the standard cubit, the image would be 9 feet (2.74 m) wide.
sn (3:1) The dimensions of the image (ninety feet high and nine feet wide) imply that it did not possess normal human proportions, unless a base for the image is included in the height dimension. The ancient world knew of other tall statues. The Colossus of Rhodes, for example--the huge statue of Helios which stood (c. 280-224 B.C.) at the entrance to the harbor at Rhodes and was one of the seven wonders of the ancient world--was said to be seventy cubits (105 ft or 32 m) in height, which would make it even taller than this image of Nebuchadnezzar.
6sn (3:2) The specific duties of the seven types of officials listed here (cf. vv. 3, 27) are unclear. The Aramaic words that are used are transliterations of Akkadian or Persian technical terms whose exact meanings are uncertain. The translations given above follow suggestions set forth in BDB.
7tn (3:2) Aram "Nebuchadnezzar the king." The proper name and title have been replaced by the relative pronoun ("he") in the translation for stylistic reasons.
8tc (3:3) The LXX and Theodotion lack the words "that Nebuchadnezzar had erected."
9tn (3:4) According to BDB 1097 (b) the Aramaic word used here is a Greek loanword, but other scholars have argued for a Persian derivation (HALOT 1087 [a]).
10tn (3:4) Aram "in strength."
11sn (3:5) The word zither (Aramaic qayteros), and the words for harp (Aramaic pesanterin) and pipes (Aramaic sumponyah), are of Greek derivation. Though much has been made of this in terms of suggesting a date in the hellenistic period for the writing of the book, it is not surprising that a few Greek cultural terms, all of them the names of musical instruments, should appear in this book. As a number of scholars have pointed out, the bigger surprise (if, in fact, the book is to be dated to the hellenistic period) may be that there are so few Greek loanwords in Daniel.
12tn (3:5) The imperfect Aramaic verbs have here an injunctive nuance.
13tn (3:7) Aram "all the peoples."
14tc (3:7) Though not in the Hebrew text of BHS, this word appears in many medieval Hebrew MSS, some LXX MSS, and Vg. Cf. vv. 5, 10, 15.
15tc (3:8) This expression is absent in Theodotion.
16tn (3:8) Aram "ate the pieces of."
17tn (3:9) Aram "answered and said," a common Aramaic idiom that occurs repeatedly in this chapter.
18sn (3:9) O king, live forever! is a comment of typical court courtesy that is not necessarily indicative of the real sentiments of the speaker. Ancient oriental court protocol could require a certain amount of hypocrisy.
19sn (3:12) Daniel's absence from this scene has sparked the imagination of commentators, some of whom have suggested that perhaps he was unable to attend the dedication due to sickness or due to being away on business. Hippolytus supposed that Daniel may have been watching from a distance.
20tn (3:13) Aram "in anger and wrath."
21tn (3:13) The Aramaic infinitive is active.
22tn (3:15) Aram "hand." So also in v. 17.
23tc (3:16) In the MT this word is understood to begin the following address. However, it seems unlikely that Nebuchadnezzar's subordinates would address the king in such a familiar way, particularly in light of the danger that they now found themselves in. The present translation implies moving the athnach from "king" to "Nebuchadnezzar."
24tn (3:16) Aram "to return a word to you."
25tc (3:17) The ancient versions typically avoid the conditional element of v. 17.
26tn (3:17) The Aramaic expression is very difficult to interpret. It may be an implicit reference back to Nebuchadnezzar's comment in v. 15, which denies the existence of a god capable of delivering from the king's power. Attempts to take `itay with the participle later in the verse (yakil, "able"), must explain why such a periphrastic construction would be broken apart in this way.
27tn (3:19) Aram "the appearance of his face was altered."
28tn (3:20) This is sometimes taken as a comparative: "[some of the] strongest."
29sn (3:21) There is a great deal of uncertainty with regard to the specific nature of these items of clothing.
30tn (3:22) Aram "caused to go up."
31tn (3:22) The Aramaic verb is active.
32sn (3:23) The deuterocanonical writings known as The Prayer of Azariah and The Song of the Three present at this point a confession and petition for God's forgiveness and a celebration of God's grace for the three Jewish youths in the fiery furnace. Though not found in the Hebrew/Aramaic text of Daniel, these compositions do appear in the ancient Greek versions.
33tn (3:24) Aram "into the midst of."
34sn (3:25) The phrase like that of a god is in Hebrew "like that of a son of the gods." Many patristic writers understood this phrase in a christological sense (i.e., "the Son of God"). But it should be remembered that these are words spoken by a pagan who is seeking to explain things from his own polytheistic frame of reference; the phrase "like a son of the gods" is equivalent to "like a divine being."
35tn (3:27) Aram "in their bodies."
36tn (3:28) Aram "answered and said."
37tn (3:28) Aram "so that they might not."
38tn (3:29) Aram "from me is placed an edict."
39tn (3:30) Aram "and the king." The proper name has been supplied in the translation for stylistic reasons.
1sn (3:31) Beginning with 4:1, the verse numbers through 4:37 in the English Bible differ from the verse numbers in the Aramaic text (BHS), with 4:1 ET = 3:31 AT, 4:2 ET = 3:32 AT, 4:3 ET = 3:33 AT, 4:4 ET = 4:1 AT, etc., through 4:37 ET = 4:34 AT. Thus Dan 3:31-33 of the Aramaic text appears as Dan 4:1-3 in the English Bible, and the corresponding verses of ch. 4 differ accordingly. In spite of the division of the Aramaic text, a good case can be made for thinking that verses 3:31-33 AT (= 4:1-3 ET) are actually the introduction to ch. 4.
2tn (3:31) Aram "May your peace increase!"
3sn (4:1) This verse marks the beginning of chap. 4 in the Aramaic text of Daniel (see the note on 4:1). The Greek OT (LXX) has the following addition: "In the eighteenth year of Nebuchadnezzar's reign he said." This date would suggest a link to the destruction of Jerusalem in 586 B.C. In general, the LXX of chapters 4-6 are very different from the MT, so much so that the following notes will call attention only to selected readings. In Daniel 4 the LXX lacks sizable portions of material in the MT (e.g., vv. 3-6, 31-32), includes sizable portions of material not in the MT (e.g., v. 14a, parts of vv. 16, 28), has a different order of some material (e.g., v. 8 after v. 9), and in some instances is vastly different from the MT (e.g., vv. 30, 34). Whether these differences are due to an excessively paraphrastic translation technique adopted for these chapters in the LXX, or are due to differences in the underlying Vorlage of the LXX, is a disputed matter. There is a growing trend in modern scholarship to take the LXX of chapters 4-6 much more seriously than was the case in most of earlier text-critical studies that considered this issue.
4tn (4:1) Aram "my house."
5tn (4:6) Aram "from me there was placed a decree."
6tn (4:6) The Aramaic infinitive here is active.
7sn (4:8) This explanation of the meaning of the name Belteshazzar may be more of a paronomasia than a strict etymology.
8tc (4:9) The present translation reads hazi ("consider") rather than the MT hezwe ("visions"). The MT implies that the king required Daniel to disclose both the dream and its interpretation, as in chapter 2. But in the following verses Nebuchadnezzar recounts his dream, while Daniel presents only its interpretation.
9tc (4:10) The LXX lacks the first two words (Aram "the visions of my head") of the Aramaic text.
10tn (4:10) Some translations render this phrase "a tree at the center of the earth" (cf. NRSV) or "of the world" (NAB). The Hebrew phrase can have either meaning.
11tn (4:11) Aram "its sight." So also v. 17.
12tn (4:11) Or "from the ends of all the earth."
13tn (4:12) Aram "the beasts of the field."
14tn (4:12) Aram "all flesh."
15tn (4:13) This watcher is apparently an angel. The Greek OT (LXX) in fact has angelos ("angel") here. Theodotion simply transliterates the Aramaic word (´ir). The term is sometimes rendered "sentinel" (NAB) or "messenger" (NIV, NLT).
16tn (4:14) Aram "in strength."
17tn (4:14) Aram "and thus he said."
18tn (4:15) Aram "the stock of its root." So also v. 23. The implication here is that although the tree is chopped down, it is not killed. Its life-giving root is spared. The application to Nebuchadnezzar is obvious.
19sn (4:15) The function of the band of iron and bronze is not entirely clear, but it may have had to do with preventing the splitting or further deterioration of the portion of the tree that was left after being chopped down. By application it would then refer to the preservation of Nebuchadnezzar's life during the time of his insanity.
20tn (4:16) Aram "heart."
21sn (4:16) The seven periods of time probably refer to seven years.
22tn (4:16) Aram "over" (also in vv. 23, 25, 32).
23tc (4:18) The present translation reads pisreh, "its interpretation," with the Qere and many medieval Hebrew MSS; the Kethib is pisra', "the interpretation." So also v. 16.
24tn (4:19) Aram "about one hour."
25tn (4:19) Aram "my lord."
26tn (4:21) Aram "the beasts of the field" (also in vv. 23, 25, 32).
27sn (4:22) Much of modern scholarship views this chapter as a distortion of traditions that were originally associated with Nabonidus rather than with Nebuchadnezzar. A Qumran text, the Prayer of Nabonidus, is often looked to for parallels to these events.
28tn (4:23) Aram "a watcher and a holy one." The expression is a hendiadys.
29tn (4:25) The Aramaic indefinite active plural is used here like the English passive. So also in v. 28, 29.
30tn (4:25) Aram "from mankind."
31tn (4:25) Or perhaps "be made to eat."
32sn (4:25) Nebuchadnezzar's insanity has features that are associated with the mental disorder known as boanthropy, in which the person so afflicted imagines himself to be an ox or a similar animal and behaves accordingly.
33tn (4:25) Aram "until."
34sn (4:26) The reference to heaven is a circumlocution for God. There was a tendency in Jewish contexts to avoid direct reference to God. Cf. the expression "kingdom of heaven" in the NT and such statements as "I have sinned against heaven and in your sight" (Luke 15:21).
35tn (4:27) Aram "my words."
36tn (4:29) The word "walls" is not in the Hebrew text, but is supplied from context.
37tn (4:30) Aram "house."
38tn (4:30) Aram "by the might of my strength."
39tn (4:31) Aram "in the mouth of the king."
40tn (4:32) Aram "until."
41tn (4:33) Aram "hour."
42tn (4:33) Aram "was fulfilled."
43tn (4:34) Aram "days."
44tn (4:34) Aram "lifted up my eyes."
45tc (4:35) The present translation reads kela', with many medieval Hebrew MSS, rather than kelah of BHS.
46tn (4:35) Aram "strikes against."
47tc (4:36) Read haderet ("I returned") rather than the MT hadri ("my honor"). Cf. Theodotion.
48tc (4:36) Read hotqenet ("I was established") rather than the MT hotqenat ("it was established"). As it stands, the MT makes no sense here.
49tn (4:37) Aram "walk."
1sn (5:1) As is clear from the extra-biblical records, it was actually Nabonidus (ca. 556-539 B.C.) who was king of Babylon at this time. However, Nabonidus spent long periods of time at Teima, and during those times Belshazzar his son was de facto king of Babylon. This arrangement may help to explain why later in this chapter Belsahzzar promises that the successful interpreter of the handwriting on the wall will be made third ruler in the kingdom. If Belshazzar was in effect second ruler in the kingdom, this would be the highest honor he could afford.
2sn (5:1) Persian kings were renown in the ancient world for their lavish banquets. This scene calls to mind a similar grandiose event recorded in Esth 1:3-8.
3sn (5:1) The king probably sat at an elevated head table.
4tn (5:1) Aram "the thousand."
5tn (5:2) Or perhaps, "when he had tasted," in the sense of officially initiating the commencement of the banquet. The translation above seems preferable, however, given the clear evidence in the context of inebriation.
6tn (5:2) Or "ancestor"; or "predecessor" (also in vv. 11, 13, 18). The Aramaic word translated "father" can on occasion denote these other relationships.
7sn (5:2) Making use of sacred temple vessels for an occasion of reveling and drunkenness such as this would have been a religious affront of shocking proportions to the Jewish captives.
8tc (5:3) Theodotion has the passive enechthesan ("were brought").
9tc (5:3) The present translation reads wekaspa' ("and the silver") with Theodotion and the Vg. Cf. v. 2.
10tn (5:3) Aram "the temple of the house of God." The phrase seems rather awkward. The Vg lacks "of the house of God," while Theodotion and the Syriac lack "the house."
11tn (5:5) While Aramaic pas can mean the palm of the hand, here it seems to be the back of the hand that is intended.
12sn (5:5) The mention of the lampstand in this context is of interest because it suggests that the writing was in clear view.
13tn (5:6) Aram "[the king's] brightness changed for him."
14tn (5:6) Aram "his loins went slack."
15sn (5:7) Purple was a color associated with royalty in the ancient world.
16sn (5:7) The reference to a golden collar here is probably to something more substantial than merely a gold chain or necklace.
17tc (5:8) Read pisreh with the Qere rather than pisra' of the Kethib.
18tn (5:9) Aram "his visage altered upon him." So also in v. 10.
19tn (5:10) Aram "the queen." In the following discourse this woman is able to recall things about Daniel that go back to the days of Nebuchadnezzar, things that Belshazzar does not seem to have the same recollection of. It is likely that she was the wife not of Belshazzar but of Nabonidus or perhaps even Nebuchadnezzar. In that case, "queen" here means "queen mother."
20tn (5:10) Aram "The queen." The translation has used the pronoun "she" instead because repetition of the noun here would be redundant in terms of English style.
21tn (5:11) Aram "[there were] discovered to be in him."
22tn (5:11) Aram "wisdom like the wisdom." This would be redundant in terms of English style.
23tc (5:11) Theodotion lacks the phrase "and wisdom like the wisdom of the gods."
24tc (5:11) The MT includes a redundant reference to "your father the king" at the end of v. 11. None of the attempts to explain this phrase as original are very convincing. The present translation deletes the phrase, following Theodotion and the Syriac.
25tc (5:12) Read mipsar rather than the MT mepassar; later in the verse read misra' rather than the MT mesare'. The Masoretes have understood these Aramaic forms to be participles, but they are more likely to be vocalized as infinitives. As such, they have an epexegetical function in the syntax of their clause.
26tn (5:12) Aram "let [Daniel] be summoned."
27tn (5:16) Or perhaps "one of three," in the sense of becoming part of a triumvir. So also v. 29.
28tn (5:18) Or "royal greatness and majestic honor," if the four terms are understood as a double hendiadys.
29tn (5:19) Aram "were trembling and fearing." This can be treated as a hendiadys, "were trembling with fear."
30tn (5:19) This Aramaic form is the aphel participle of hyh ("to live"). Theodotion and the Vg mistakenly take the form to be from mh' ("to smite").
31sn (5:20) The point of describing Nebuchadnezzar as arrogant is that he had usurped divine prerogatives, and because of his immense arrogance God had dealt decisively with him.
32tn (5:21) Aram "heart."
33tn (5:22) Or "descendant"; or "successor."
34tn (5:22) Aram "your heart."
35tn (5:23) Aram "in whose hand [are]."
36tc (5:25) The Greek version of Theodotion lacks the repetition of mene' (cf. NAB).
37tc (5:25) Theodotion has the singular, phares (cf. NAB "PERES").
38tn (5:26) The Aramaic term mene' is a noun referring to a measure of weight. The linkage here to the verb for "to number" (Aram., menah) is a case of paronomasia rather than strict etymology. So also with teqel and parsin. In the latter case there is an obvious wordplay with the name "Persian."
39sn (5:28) Peres is the singular form of pharsin in v. 25.
40tn (5:30) Aram "king of the Chaldeans."
41sn (5:30) The year was 539 B.C. At this time Daniel would have been approximately eighty-one years old. The relevant extra-biblical records describing the fall of Babylon include portions of Herodotus, Xenophon, Berossus (cited in Josephus), the Cyrus Cylinder, and the Babylonian Chronicle.
42sn (6:1) Beginning with 5:31, the verse numbers through 6:28 in the English Bible differ from the verse numbers in the Aramaic text (BHS), with 5:31 ET = 6:1 AT, 6:1 ET = 6:2 AT, 6:2 ET = 6:3 AT, 6:3 ET = 6:4 AT, etc., through 6:28 ET = 6:29 AT. Beginning with 7:1 the verse numbers in the English Bible and the Aramaic text are again the same.
1tn (6:4) Aram "looking to find."
2tn (6:4) Aram "from the side of the kingdom."
3tn (6:4) Aram "no negligence or corruption was found in him." The Greek version of Theodotion lacks the phrase "and no negligence or corruption was found in him."
4tn (6:5) Aram "were saying."
5tn (6:5) Aram "unless we find [it] against him."
6tn (6:6) The Aramaic verb rgs occurs three times in this chapter (vv. 7, 12, 16). Its meaning is widely disputed by commentators and versions. The suggestion that it means "to come thronging" (BDB 1112; cf. NAB) seems inappropriate, since it is unlikely that subordinates would enter a royal court in such a reckless fashion. The ancient versions struggled with the word and are not in agreement in their understandings of its meaning. In this chapter the word apparently means to act in agreement with other parties in the pursuit of a duplicitous goal, namely the entrapment of Daniel.
7tn (6:6) Aram "thus they were saying."
8tn (6:7) Aram "prays a prayer."
9tn (6:8) Aram "establish a written interdict and inscribe a written decree."
10tn (6:10) Aram "knew."
11sn (6:10) In later rabbinic thought this verse was sometimes cited as a proof-text for the notion that one should pray only in a house with windows. See the Talmud, b. Berakhot 34b.
12sn (6:10) According to some scholars, the Muslim practice of praying toward Mecca is derived from this text.
13sn (6:10) This is apparently the only specific mention in the OT of prayer being regularly offered three times a day. The practice was probably not unique to Daniel.
14tc (6:10) Read with several medieval Hebrew MSS and printed editions hawah rather than the MT hu'.
15tn (6:10) Aram "kneeling on his knees."
sn (6:10) No specific posture for offering prayers is prescribed in the OT. Kneeling, as here, and standing were both practiced.
16tn (6:11) Aram "those men"; the referent (the administrative officials who had earlier approached the king about the edict) has been specified in the translation for clarity.
17tc (6:12) The MT also has "about the edict of the king," but this phrase is absent in the LXX and the Syriac. The present translation deletes the expression.
tn (6:12) Aram "before the king."
18tn (6:12) Aram "the word is true."
19tn (6:13) Aram "from the sons of the captivity [of]."
20tn (6:14) Aram "placed his mind on."
21tn (6:14) Aram "the entrances of the sun."
22tc (6:15) Theodotion lacks the words "came by collusion to the king and."
23tn (6:15) Aram "the king."
24tn (6:15) Aram "know."
25tn (6:16) Aram "said." So also in vv. 24, 25.
26sn (6:16) The den was perhaps a pit below ground level which could be safely observed from above.
27tn (6:16) Aram "answered and said [to Daniel]."
28tn (6:17) Aram "mouth."
29sn (6:17) The purpose of the den being sealed was to prevent unauthorized tampering with the opening of the den. Any disturbance of the seal would immediately alert the officials to improper activity of this sort.
30tn (6:17) Aram "the signet rings."
31tn (6:18) The meaning of Aramaic dahawah is a crux interpretum. Suggestions include "music," "dancing girls," "concubines," "table," "food"--all of which are uncertain. The translation employed here, suggested by earlier scholars, is deliberately vague.
32tn (6:18) Aram "his sleep fled from him."
33tn (6:20) Aram "saying to Daniel." This phrase has not been included in the translation for stylistic reasons; it is redundant in English.
34tn (6:24) Aram "had eaten the pieces of." Although figurative, the literal Aramaic expression is ironic, in that the accusers who had "eaten the pieces of Daniel" are themselves devoured by the lions.
35tn (6:24) The Aramaic active impersonal verb is often used as a substitute for the passive.
36tc (6:24) The LXX specifies only the two overseers, together with their families, as those who were cast into the lions' den.
37tn (6:26) Aram "until the end."
38tn (6:27) Aram "hand."
39tn (6:28) Or perhaps "in the reign of Darius, even in the reign of Cyrus." The identity of this Darius is disputed. Some take the name to be referring to Cyrus, understanding the following vav ("and") in an epexegetical sense ("even"). Others identify Darius with a governor of Babylon known from extra-biblical records as Gubaru, or as Cambyses, son of Cyrus. Many scholars maintain that the reference is historically mistaken.
1sn (7:1) The first year of Belshazzar's reign would have been ca. 553 B.C. Daniel would have been approximately 67 years old at the time of this vision.
2tn (7:1) The Aramaic is difficult here. Some scholars add a verb thought to be missing (e.g., "the visions of his head [were alarming him]"), but there is no external evidence to support such a decision and the awkwardness of the text at this point may be original.
3tn (7:1) Aram "head of words." The phrase is absent in Theodotion.
4tn (7:2) Aram "answered and said."
5tn (7:2) Or "the heavens." The same Hebrew term, <y]m^v* (v*m^y]<), may be translated "heavens" or "sky" depending on the context.
6sn (7:2) The referent of the great sea is unclear. The common view that the expression refers to the Mediterranean Sea is conjectural.
7tn (7:4) Aram "the heart of a man."
8sn (7:4) The identity of the first animal, derived from v. 17 and the parallels in chap. 2, is Babylon. The reference to the plucking of its wings is probably a reference to the time of Nebuchadnezzar's insanity (cf. chap. 4). The latter part of v. 4 then describes the restoration of Nebuchadnezzar. The other animals have traditionally been understood to represent respectively Media-Persia, Greece, and Rome, although most of modern scholarship identifies them as Media, Persia, and Greece. For a biblical parallel to the mention of lion, bear, and leopard together, see Hos 13:7-8.
9sn (7:5) The three ribs held securely in the mouth of the bear, representing Media-Persia, apparently symbolizes military conquest, but the exact identity of the "ribs" is not clear. Possibly it is a reference to the Persian conquest of Lydia, Egypt, and Babylonia.
10tc (7:5) The LXX lacks the phrase "between its teeth."
11tn (7:6) Or, "sides."
12sn (7:6) If the third animal is Greece, the likely identification of these four heads is the four-fold division of the empire of Alexander the Great following his death. See note on Dan 8:8.
13sn (7:7) The fourth animal differs from the others in that it is nondescript. Apparently it was so fearsome that Daniel could find nothing with which to compare it. Attempts to identify this animal as an elephant or other known creature are needlessly speculative.
14tn (7:7) The Aramaic word for "teeth" is dual rather than plural, suggesting two rows of teeth.
15tn (7:8) Aram "were uprooted from before it."
16tn (7:9) Or "the Ancient One," although the traditional expression has been retained in the translation because it is quite familiar to many readers.
17tn (7:9) Traditionally the Aramaic word neqe' has been rendered "pure," but here it more likely means "of a lamb." Cf. the Syriac, neqya', "a sheep, ewe."
18tc (7:11) The LXX and Theodotion lack the words "I was watching" here. It is possible that these words in the MT are a dittography from the first part of the verse.
19tn (7:12) Aram "a prolonging of life was granted to them."
20tc (7:13) The LXX has epi ("upon") here (cf. Matt 24:30; 26:64). Theodotion has meta ("with") here (cf. Mark 14:62; Rev 1:7).
21tn (7:13) Or "the heavens." The same Hebrew term, <y]m^v* (v*m^y]<), may be translated "heavens" or "sky" depending on the context.
22sn (7:13) This text is probably the main OT background for Jesus' use of the term "son of man." In both Jewish and Christian circles the reference in the Book of Daniel has traditionally been understood to refer to an individual, usually in a messianic sense. Many modern scholars, however, understand the reference to have a corporate identity. In this view, the "son of man" is to be equated with the "holy ones" (vv. 18, 21, 22, 25) or the "people of the holy ones" (v. 27) and understood as a reference to the Jewish people. Others understand Daniel's reference to be to the angel Michael.
23tn (7:14) Some take "serving" here in the sense of "worshiping."
24tn (7:15) The Aramaic text includes the phrase "in its sheath," apparently viewing the body as a container or receptacle for the spirit somewhat like a sheath or scabbard is for a knife or a sword. For this phrase the LXX and Vg have "in these things."
25tn (7:16) Aram "matter," but the matter at hand is of course the vision.
26sn (7:18) The expression holy ones is either a reference to angels or to the saints.
27tc (7:20) The conjunction in the MT before "eyes" is odd. The ancient versions do not seem to presuppose it.
28tn (7:20) Aram "than its companions."
29tc (7:22) In the LXX, Syriac, and Vg the verb is active, understanding "judgment" to be the object rather than the subject of the verb (i.e., "the Ancient of Days rendered judgment"). This presupposes a different vocalization of the verb (yehab rather than the MT yehib).
30tn (7:24) Or "subjugate."
31tn (7:25) Aram "wear out." The word is a hapax legomenon in biblical Aramaic, but in biblical Hebrew it especially refers to wearing out such things as garments.
32tn (7:25) Aram "times and law." The present translation is based on the understanding that the expression is a hendiadys.
33sn (7:25) Although the form times is vocalized in the MT as a plural, it probably should be regarded as a dual. The Masoretes may have been influenced here by the fact that in late Aramaic (and Syriac) the dual forms fall out of use. The meaning would thus be three and a half "times."
34tn (7:28) Aram "brightness was changing on me."
1sn (8:1) Dan 8:1 marks the switch from Aramaic (= 2:4b-7:28) back to Hebrew as the language in which the book is written in its present form. The remainder of the book from this point on (8:1-12:13) is in Hebrew. The bilingual nature of the book has been variously explained, but it most likely has to do with the transmission history of the book.
2sn (8:1) The third year of King Belshazzar's reign would have been ca. 551 B.C. Daniel would have been approximately 69 years old at the time of this vision.
3tn (8:1) Heb "in the beginning."
4sn (8:2) Susa (Heb. Shushan), located some 230 miles east of Babylon, was a winter residence for Persian kings during the Achaemenid period. The language of v. 2 seems to suggest that Daniel may not have been physically present at Susa, but only saw himself there in the vision. However, the Hebrew is difficult, and some have concluded that the first four words of v. 2 in the MT are a later addition (cf. Theodotion).
5sn (8:2) The word citadel (Heb. bira = "castle, palace") usually refers to a fortified structure within a city, but here it is in apposition to the city name Susa and therefore has a broader reference to the entire city (against this view, however, see BDB 108).
6sn (8:2) The word canal (Heb. `ubal = "stream, river") is a relatively rare word in biblical Hebrew, found only here and in vv. 3 and 6. The Ulai was apparently a sizable artificial canal in Susa, and not a river in the ordinary sense of that word.
7tn (8:3) Heb "one." The Hebrew numerical adjective occasionally functions like an English indefinite article. See GKC §125.b.
8tn (8:3) Heb "high" (also "higher" later in this verse).
9tn (8:4) Or "beast."
10tn (8:4) In the Hiphil the Hebrew verb gdl (to make great; to magnify) can have either a positive or a negative sense. For the former, used especially of God, see Ps 126:2, 3; Joel 2:21. In this chapter (8:4, 8, 11, 25) the word has a pejorative sense, describing the self-glorification of this king. The sense seems to be that of vainly assuming one's own superiority through deliberate hubris.
11tn (8:5) Heb "a he-goat of the goats."
12tn (8:5) Or "of the whole earth."
13tn (8:5) Heb "a horn of vision" [or, "conspicuousness"], i.e., "a conspicuous horn."
14tn (8:7) Heb "he hurled him." The referents of both pronouns (the male goat and the ram) have been specified in the translation for clarity.
15sn (8:7) The goat of Daniel's vision represents Greece; the large horn is Alexander the Great. The ram stands for Media-Persia. Alexander's rapid conquest of the Persians involved three battles of major significance which he won against overwhelming odds: Granicus (334 B.C.), Isus (333 B.C.), and Gaugemela (331 B.C.).
16tn (8:8) The word "horns" is not in the Hebrew text, but is implied.
17sn (8:8) The four conspicuous ones refer to Alexander's successors. After his death, Alexander's empire was carved up among four of his generals: Cassander, who took Macedonia and Greece; Lysimachus, who took Thrace and parts of Asia Minor; Seleucus, who took Syria and territory to its east; and Ptolemy, who took control of Egypt.
18tn (8:8) Or "the heavens." The same Hebrew term, <y]m^v* (v*m^y]<), may be translated "heavens" or "sky" depending on the context.
19sn (8:9) This small horn is Antiochus IV Epiphanes, who controlled the Seleucid kingdom from ca. 175-164 B.C. Antiochus was extremely hostile toward the Jews and persecuted them mercilessly.
20sn (8:9) The expression the land of beauty (Heb. hassebi = "the beauty") is a cryptic reference to the land of Israel. Cf. 11:16, 41, where it is preceded by the word `eres ("land").
21sn (8:11) The prince of the host is an expression that apparently refers to God.
22tn (8:11) Or perhaps "and by him," referring to Antiochus rather than to God.
23sn (8:11) Here the sanctuary is a reference to the temple of God in Jerusalem.
24tc (8:12) The present translation reads useba'ah nittan for the MT wesaba' tinnaten. The context suggests a perfect rather than an imperfect verb.
25sn (8:12) The phrase in the course of transgression is difficult. It could mean "due to transgression," referring to the failures of the Jews, but this is not likely since it is not a point made elsewhere in the book. The phrase more probably refers to the transgressions against the Jews epitomized by Antiochus.
26tc (8:12) A couple of medieval Hebrew MSS and the LXX have a passive verb here: "truth was hurled to the ground."
27sn (8:12) Truth here probably refers to the Torah. According to 1 Macc 1:56, Antiochus initiated destruction of the sacred books of the Jews.
28sn (8:13) The holy one referred to here is presumably an angel. Cf. 4:13[10], 23 [20].
29sn (8:14) The language of evenings and mornings is reminiscent of the creation account in Genesis 1. Since "evening and morning" is the equivalent of a day, the reference here would be to 2,300 days. However, some interpreters understand the reference to be to the evening sacrifice and the morning sacrifice, in which case the reference would be to only 1,150 days. Either way, the event that marked the commencement of this period is unclear. The event that marked the conclusion of the period is the rededication of the temple in Jerusalem following the atrocious and sacrilegious acts that Antiochus implemented. This took place on December 25, 165 B.C. The Jewish celebration of Hannukah each year commemorates this victory.
30sn (8:16) The only angels whose names are given in the OT are Gabriel (Dan 8:16; 9:21; cf. Luke 1:19, 26) and Michael (Dan 10:13, 21; 12:1; cf. Jude 9; Rev 12:7). The name Gabriel means in Hebrew "man of God," and Michael means "who is like God?"
31tn (8:19) Heb "for it"; the referent (the vision Daniel saw in vv. 8-12; cf. also v. 13) has been specified in the translation for clarity.
32tn (8:21) Heb "the he-goat, the buck." The expression is odd, and the second word may be an explanatory gloss.
33tn (8:22) Heb "the broken one." The word "horn" has been supplied in the translation to clarify the referent.
34tc (8:23) The present translation reads happes´im for the MT happose´im. While the MT is understandable (cf. NIV, "when rebels have become completely wicked"), the filling up of transgressions is a familiar OT expression (cf. Gen 15:16) and fits this context well. Cf. the LXX, Theodotion, the Vg, and the Syriac.
35tn (8:27) Heb., nihyeti. The meaning of the word is not entirely clear. Hayah normally has meanings such as "to be" or "become." Here, however, it describes Daniel's emotional and physical response to the enigmatic vision that he has seen. It is parallel to the following verb, which refers to illness, and seems to refer to a state of utter exhaustion due to the amazing things that Daniel has just seen. The LXX lacks the word.
1sn (9:1) The identity of this Darius is a major problem in correlating the biblical material with the extra-biblical records of this period. Most modern scholars treat the reference as a mistaken allusion to Darius Hystaspes (ca. 522-446 B.C.). Others have maintained instead that this name is a reference to the Persian governor Gubaru. Still others understand the reference to be to the Persian king Cyrus (cf. 6:28, where the vav may be understood as vav explicativum, meaning "even"). Under either of these latter two interpretations, the first year of Darius would have been ca. 538 B.C. Daniel would have been approximately eighty-two years old at this time.
2tc (9:1) The LXX reads "Xerxes." This is the reading used by the NIV. Most other English versions retain the Hebrew name "Ahasuerus."
3tc (9:1) The present translation follows the MT in reading a Hophal (i.e., passive). Theodotion, the Syriac, and the Vg all presuppose the Hiphil (i.e., active). Even though this is the only occurrence of the Hophal of this verb in the Bible, there is no need to emend the vocalization to the Hiphil.
4tn (9:1) Heb "was made king over the kingdom of the Chaldeans."
5tc (9:2) This phrase, repeated from v. 1, is absent in Theodotion.
6sn (9:2) The tetragrammaton (the four Hebrew letters which constitute the divine Name, YHWH) appears seven times in this chapter, and nowhere else in the Book of Daniel.
7tn (9:3) The Hebrew phrase translated "Lord God" here is <yh!Oa$h* yn´d{a& (a&d{n´y h*a$Oh!<).
8tn (9:4) The Hebrew term translated "Lord" here and in vv. 7, 9, 15, 16, and 19 is yn´d{a& (a&d{n´y).
9tn (9:4) Heb "the covenant and the loyal love." The expression is a hendiadys.
10tn (9:6) Heb "our fathers" (also in vv. 8, 16). The Hebrew term translated "father" can refer to more distant relationships such as grandfathers or ancestors.
11tn (9:9) Heb "belong compassion and forgiveness."
12tc (9:10) The LXX and Vg have the singular.
13tn (9:11) Heb "him."
14tn (9:12) Heb "our judges."
15tn (9:15) Heb "with a powerful hand."
16tn (9:17) Heb "for the sake of my Lord." Theodotion has "for your sake." Cf. v. 19.
17tn (9:18) Heb "incline your ear."
18tn (9:18) Heb "over which your name is called." Cf. v. 19.
19tn (9:18) Heb "praying our supplications before you."
20tn (9:20) Heb "the holy mountain of my God."
21tn (9:21) Heb "speaking in prayer."
22tn (9:21) The Hebrew expression mu´ap bi´ap is very difficult. The issue is whether the verb derives from ´up ("to fly") or from y´p ("to be weary"). Many ancient versions and modern commentators take the first of these possibilities and understand the reference to be to the swift flight of the angel Gabriel in his coming to Daniel. The words more likely refer to the extreme weariness, not of the angel, but of Daniel. Cf. 7:28; 8:27; 10:8-9, 16-17.
23tn (9:23) This sentence is perhaps a compound hendiadys ("give serious consideration to the revelatory vision").
24tn (9:24) Heb "sevens." These are periods of seventy "sevens" of years, or a total of 490 years.
25tc (9:24) The present translation reads the Qere (from the root tmm) with many witnesses. The Kethib has "to seal up" (from the root htm), a confusion with a reference later in the verse to sealing up the vision.
26tc (9:24) The present translation reads the Qere (singular), rather than the Kethib (plural).
27tn (9:24) The Hebrew phrase lekalle' is apparently a metaplastic spelling of the root klh ("to complete, finish"), rather than a form of kl' ("to shut up, restrain"), as has sometimes been supposed.
28sn (9:24) The act of sealing in the OT is a sign of authentication. Cf. 1 Kgs 21:8; Jer 32:10, 11, 44.
29tn (9:24) Heb "vision and prophecy." The expression is a hendiadys.
30tn (9:24) Or "the most holy place"; or "a most holy one"; or "the most holy one."
31tn (9:25) Or "command"; or "decree."
32tn (9:25) Heb "sevens" (also later in this line and in v. 26).
sn (9:25) The MT indicates disjunction at this point, which would make a messianic interpretation of the passage difficult, if not impossible. In light of the reference in v. 26 to the sixty-two weeks as a unit, it seems preferable to understand the disjunction as indicated above. The translation of the entire passage (vv. 24-27) presented here departs occasionally from the Masoretic understanding.
33sn (9:26) The expression have nothing is difficult. Presumably it refers to an absence of support or assistance for the anointed one at the time of his "cutting off." The KJV rendering "but not for himself," apparently suggesting a vicarious death, cannot be defended.
34tc (9:26) Some witnesses (e.g., the Syriac) understand a passive verb and the preposition ´im ("with) rather than the noun ´am ("people"), thus reading "the city and the sanctuary will be destroyed with the coming prince."
35sn (9:26) Flood here is hypocatastic for sudden destruction.
36tn (9:27) Heb "one seven" (also later in this line).
37tn (9:27) The meaning of the Hebrew word kenap ("wing") is unclear here. The LXX and Theodotion have "the temple." Some English versions (e.g., NAB, NIV) take this to mean "a wing of the temple," but this is not clear.
1sn (10:1) This chapter begins the final unit in the Book of Daniel, consisting of chapters 10-12. The traditional chapter division to some extent obscures the relationship of these chapters.
2tc (10:1) The LXX has "first."
sn (10:1) Cyrus' third year would have been ca. 536 B.C. Daniel would have been approximately eighty-four years old at this time.
3tn (10:1) The meaning of the Hebrew word saba' is uncertain. The word most often refers to an army or warfare. It may also mean "hard service," and many commentators take that to be the sense here (i.e., "the service was great"). The present translation assumes the reference to be to the spiritual conflicts described, for example, in 10:16-11:1.
4tn (10:2) Heb "three weeks of days." The inclusion of "days" here and in v. 3 is perhaps intended to call attention to the fact that these weeks are very different in nature from those of chap. 9, which are "weeks of years."
5tn (10:3) Heb "mouth."
6sn (10:3) Anointing oneself with oil was a common OT practice due to the severity of the Middle Eastern sun (cf. Ps 121:6). It was also associated with rejoicing (e.g., Prov 27:9) and was therefore usually not practiced during a period of mourning.
7sn (10:4) Twenty-four days would be about three and a half weeks, a measure of time that takes on interest in light of its similarity to the time mentioned in Dan 9:27.
8sn (10:4) The first month would be the month of Nisan, during which Passover was observed.
9tn (10:4) The Hebrew text has Hiddaqel. "Tigris" appears here in the LXX, since it is the Greek name for this river. Elsewhere in the OT "the great river" refers to the Euphrates (e.g., Gen 15:18; Josh 1:4), leading some interpreters to think that a mistake is involved in using the expression to refer to the Tigris. But it is doubtful that the expression had such a fixed and limited usage. The Syriac, however, does render the word here by "Euphrates" (Syr., perat), in keeping with biblical usage elsewhere.
10tn (10:5) Heb "I lifted up my eyes."
11tn (10:5) Heb "one." The Hebrew numerical adjective is used here like an English indefinite article.
12sn (10:5) The identity of the messenger is not specifically disclosed. Presumably he is an unnamed angel. Some interpreters identify him as Gabriel, but there is no adequate reason for doing so.
13tn (10:5) The Hebrew word baddim is a plural of extension. See GKC §124.a, b, c and Joüon-Muraoka, Grammar, §136.c.
14tn (10:5) The location of this place and even the exact form of the Hebrew name (aWp*z) are uncertain. Apparently it was a source for pure gold. (See Jer 10:9.) The Hebrew word p*z ("refined gold" or "pure gold") is more common in the OT than aWp*z, and some scholars emend the text of Dan 10:5 to read this word. Cf. also "Ophir" (1 Kgs 9:28; Isa 13:12; Job 22:24; 28:16).
15sn (10:6) Yellow jasper (Heb. tarsis) was a valuable stone. Its exact identity is somewhat uncertain. It may be the yellow jasper, although this is conjectural. Cf. NAB, NIV "chrysolite"; NASB, NRSV "beryl."
16tn (10:6) Heb "The sound of his words" (cf. v. 9).
17tn (10:7) Heb "the vision."
18tc (10:9) The first words of v. 9 are absent in the LXX and the Syriac.
19tn (10:9) Heb "as I listened to the sound of his words."
20tc (10:10) Theodotion lacks "and the palms of my hands."
tn (10:10) Heb "on my knees and the palms of my hands."
21tn (10:11) The Hebrew participle is often used, as here, to refer to the imminent future.
22tn (10:11) Heb "stand upon your standing."
23tn (10:11) Heb "spoke this word."
24tn (10:12) Heb "gave your heart."
25tc (10:13) The Greek version of Theodotion reads "I left him [i.e., Michael] there," and this is followed by a number of English translations (cf. NAB, NRSV, NLT).
1tn (10:15) Heb "speaking to me according to these words."
2tc (10:16) So most Hebrew MSS; one Hebrew MS along with the Dead Sea Scrolls and LXX read "something that looked like a man's hand."
3tn (10:16) Heb "my lord," here a title of polite address. Cf. v. 19.
4tn (10:17) Heb "How is the servant of this my lord able to speak with this my lord?"
5tn (10:18) Heb "He added and touched me." The construction is verbal hendiadys.
6sn (10:20) The question is rhetorical, intended to encourage reflection on Daniel's part.
7tn (10:21) Heb "a book of truth." Several English versions treat this as a title of some sort (cf. NIV, NLT), although the NAB's rendering "the truthful book" regards "truth" as an attributive adjective.
8tn (10:21) The word "princes" is supplied for clarity.
9sn (11:1) The antecedent of the pronoun I is the angel, not Daniel. The traditional chapter division at this point, and the presence of a chronological note in the verse similar to ones used elsewhere in the book to position Daniel's activities in relation to imperial affairs, sometimes lead to confusion on this matter.
10sn (11:2) Perhaps these three more kings are Cambyses (ca. 530-522 B.C.), Pseudo-Smerdis (ca. 522 B.C.), and Darius I Hystaspes (ca. 522-486 B.C.).
11sn (11:2) This fourth king is Xerxes I (ca. 486-465 B.C.). The following reference to one of his chiefs apparently has in view Seleucus Nicator.
12tn (11:2) The text is difficult. The Hebrew has here `et, the marker of a definite direct object. As it stands, this would suggest the meaning that "he will arouse everyone, that is, the kingdom of Greece." The context, however, seems to suggest the idea that this Persian king will arouse in hostility against Greece the constituent elements of his own empire. This requires supplying the word "against," which is not actually present in the Hebrew text.
13sn (11:3) The powerful king mentioned here is Alexander the Great (ca. 336-323 B.C.).
14tn (11:4) Or "the heavens." The same Hebrew term, <y]m^v* (v*m^y]<), may be translated "heavens" or "sky" depending on the context.
15sn (11:5) The king of the south is Ptolemy I Soter (ca. 323-285 B.C.). The following reference to one of his chiefs apparently has in view Seleucus I Nicator (ca. 311-280 B.C.). Throughout the remainder of chap. 11 the expressions "king of the south" and "king of the north" repeatedly occur. It is clear, however, that these terms are being used generically to describe the Ptolemaic king (i.e., "of the south") or the Seleucid king (i.e., "of the north") who happens to be in power at any particular time. The specific identity of these kings can be established more or less successfully by a comparison of this chapter with the available extra-biblical records that discuss the history of the intertestamental period. In the following notes the generally accepted identifications are briefly mentioned.
16tn (11:5) Heb "princes."
17tn (11:5) Heb "and he"; the referent (the subordinate prince mentioned in the previous clause) has been specified in the translation for clarity.
18sn (11:6) Here they refers to Ptolemy II Philadelphus (ca. 285-246 B.C.) and Antiochus II Theos (ca. 262-246 B.C.).
19sn (11:6) The daughter refers to Berenice, who was given in marriage to Antiochus II Theos.
20tn (11:6) Heb "the strength of the arm."
21tn (11:6) Heb "and his arm." Some understand this to refer to the descendants of the king of the north.
22tc (11:6) The present translation reads yaldah ("her child") rather than the MT yoledah ("the one who begot her"). Cf. Theodotion, the Syriac, and the Vg.
23sn (11:6) Antiochus II eventually divorced Berenice and remarried his former wife Laodice, who then poisoned her husband, had Berenice put to death, and installed her own son, Seleucus II Callinicus (ca. 246-227 B.C.), as the Seleucid king.
24tn (11:7) Heb "the stock of her roots."
sn (11:7) The reference to one from her family line is probably to Berenice's brother, Ptolemy III Euergetes (ca. 246-221 B.C.).
25tn (11:8) The Hebrew preposition min is used here with the verb ´md ("to stand"). It probably has a sense of separation ("stand away from"), although it may also be understood in an adversative sense ("stand against").
26tn (11:9) Heb "he"; the referent (the king of the north) has been specified in the translation for clarity.
27sn (11:10) The sons of Seleucus II Callinicus were Seleucus III Ceraunus (ca. 227-223 B.C.) and Antiochus III the Great (ca. 223-187 B.C.).
28tn (11:10) Heb "his"; the referent (the enemy of the king of the north) has been specified in the translation for clarity.
29sn (11:11) This king of the south refers to Ptolemy IV Philopator (ca. 221-204 B.C.).
30tn (11:12) Heb "his heart will be lifted up." The referent (the king of the south) has been specified in the translation for clarity.
31tn (11:12) Heb "of myriads."
32sn (11:14) This was Ptolemy V Epiphanes (ca. 203-181 B.C.).
33sn (11:15) This well-fortified city is apparently Sidon. Its capture from the Ptolemies by Antiochus the Great was a strategic victory for the Seleucid kingdom.
34tc (11:17) The present translation reads mesarim ("alliances") for the MT yesarim ("uprightness").
tn () Heb "him"; the referent (the king of the south) has been specified in the translation for clarity.
36tn (11:17) Heb "the daughter of the women."
sn (11:17) The daughter refers to Cleopatra, the daughter of Antiochus, who was given in marriage to Ptolemy V.
37sn (11:18) The commander is probably the Roman commander, Lucius Cornelius Scipio.
38tn (11:18) The Hebrew here is difficult in that the negative bilti ("not") is used in an unusual way. The sense is not entirely clear.
39sn (11:20) The one who will send out an exactor of tribute was Seleucus IV Philopator (ca. 187-176 B.C.).
40sn (11:20) Perhaps this exactor of tribute was Heliodorus (cf. 2 Maccabees 3).
41tn (11:20) Heb "broken" or "shattered."
42sn (11:21) This despicable person to whom the royal honor has not been rightfully conferred is Antiochus IV Epiphanes (ca. 175-164 B.C.).
43tc (11:22) The present translation reads hisatop (Niphal infinitive absolute of stp, "to overflow") for the MT hassetep ("flood").
44tn (11:22) Heb "a prince of the covenant."
45tn (11:22) Heb "broken" or "shattered."
46tn (11:23) The preposition min is probably temporal here (so BDB 583 [b]), although it could also be understood here as indicating means (so J. Goldingay, Daniel, 279, n. 23a).
47tn (11:24) The Hebrew imperfect verb here is modal in nuance.
48sn (11:25) This king of the south was Ptolemy Philometer (ca. 181-145 B.C.).
49tc (11:26) The present translation reads yisattep (passive) rather than the MT yistop (active).
50tn (11:28) Heb "he"; the referent (the king of the north) has been specified in the translation for clarity.
51sn (11:30) The name Kittim has various designations in extra-biblical literature. It can refer to a location on the island of Cyprus, or more generally to the island itself, or it can be an inclusive term to refer to parts of the Mediterranean world that lay west of the Middle East (e.g., Rome). For ships of Kittim the Greek OT (LXX) has "Romans." A number of times in the Dead Sea Scrolls the word is used in reference to the Romans.
52sn (11:30) This is apparently a reference to the Roman forces, led by Gaius Popilius Laenas, which confronted Antiochus when he came to Egypt and demanded that he withdraw or face the wrath of Rome. Antiochus wisely withdrew from Egypt, albeit in a state of bitter frustration.
53tn (11:30) Heb "show regard for."
54tn (11:31) Heb "arms."
55tn (11:31) Heb "the sanctuary, the fortress."
56tn (11:31) Heb "will give."
57tn (11:32) Or "corrupt."
58sn (11:32) This is an allusion to the Maccabean revolt, which struggled to bring about Jewish independence in the second century B.C.
59tn (11:33) Heb "the many."
60tn (11:33) Heb "stumble."
61tn (11:33) Heb "days."
62sn (11:36) The identity of this king is problematic. If vv. 36-45 continue the description of Antiochus Epiphanes, the account must be viewed as erroneous, since the details do not match what is known of Antiochus' latter days. Most modern scholars take this view, concluding that this section was written just shortly before the death of Antiochus and that the writer erred on several key points as he tried to predict what would follow the events of his own day. Conservative scholars, however, usually understand the reference to shift at this point to an eschatological figure, viz., the Antichrist. The chronological gap that this would presuppose to be in the narrative is not necessarily a problem, since by all accounts there are many chronological gaps throughout the chapter, as the historical figures intended by such expressions as "king of the north" and "king of the south" repeatedly shift.
63tn (11:36) Heb "has been done." The Hebrew verb used here is the perfect of certitude, emphasizing the certainty of fulfillment.
64tn (11:37) Heb "[the one] desired by women." The referent has been specified in the translation for clarity.
65tn (11:39) Or perhaps "for a reward."
66tn (11:40) Heb "engage in thrusting."
67tn (11:40) Heb "many ships."
68tn (11:41) This can be understood as "many people" (cf. NRSV) or "many countries" (cf. NASB, NIV, NLT).
69tn (11:43) Or "Nubians"; Heb "Cushites."
70tn (11:43) Heb "Libyans and Cushites [will be] at his footsteps."
71sn (11:45) Presumably seas refers to the Mediterranean Sea and the Dead Sea.
1tn (12:1) Heb "stands over the sons of your people."
2tn (12:1) Or "from the beginning of nations."
3sn (12:2) This verse is the only undisputed reference to resurrection found in the Hebrew Bible.
4sn (12:4) Many will dart to and fro is probably an allusion to Amos 8:12.
5tn (12:5) Heb "one to this edge of the river and one to that edge of the river."
6tn (12:7) Or "to the heavens." The same Hebrew term, <y]m^v* (v*m^y]<), may be translated "heavens" or "sky" depending on the context.
7tc (12:7) The present translation reads nopes ("one who shatters") rather than the MT nappes ("to shatter").
8tn (12:8) Heb "my lord," a title of polite address.
9tn (12:11) Heb "to give."
10tn (12:13) The words "your way" are not in the Hebrew text, but are implied.
11tc (12:13) The LXX lacks "until the end."
12sn (12:13) The deuterocanonical writings known as Bel and the Dragon and the Story of Susanna appear as part of the Book of Daniel in certain forms of the ancient versional tradition for this book. They are not part of the Hebrew/Aramaic text of Daniel.